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[Eru lluvatar]

Οι δήμοι ψάχνουν εθελοντές μηχανικούς και άλλους επιστήμονες για να μη χάσουν ΕΣΠΑ

Δήμαρχοι καλούν σε βοήθεια μηχανικούς και άλλους επιστήμονες δημότες τους προκειμένου να προσφέρουν εθελοντική εργασία στην εκπόνηση μελετών έργων περιβάλλοντος και εξοικονόμησης ενέργειας, ώστε να υποβληθούν εγκαίρως οι φάκελοι χρηματοδότησης στο πλαίσιο κοινοτικών προγραμμάτων για να μη χαθούν έργα και πολύτιμοι πόροι από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ενωση.

....

http://polytexnikanea.gr/WP3/?p=25496

[Karaμazoβ]

Οι δήμοι ψάχνουν εθελοντές μηχανικούς και άλλους επιστήμονες για να μη χάσουν ΕΣΠΑ

Δήμαρχοι καλούν σε βοήθεια μηχανικούς και άλλους επιστήμονες δημότες τους προκειμένου να προσφέρουν εθελοντική εργασία στην εκπόνηση μελετών έργων περιβάλλοντος και εξοικονόμησης ενέργειας, ώστε να υποβληθούν εγκαίρως οι φάκελοι χρηματοδότησης στο πλαίσιο κοινοτικών προγραμμάτων για να μη χαθούν έργα και πολύτιμοι πόροι από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ενωση.

....

http://polytexnikanea.gr/WP3/?p=25496

Μπορει να μπει και στο "Συγκλονιστικές Ειδήσεις".

[Eru lluvatar]

για κει το πήγαινα αλλά δεν έβρισκα το topic

[^^DaRk_HunTeR]

sansimera.gr - Η Δίκη των Πιθήκων

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IVD4TjxnJ0M

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligent_design

[Exomag]

Incest

Incest is sexual intercourse between family members and close relatives. The term may apply to sexual intercourse between people in a consangueous relationship ("blood relations"), or related by affinity, such as members of the same household, step relatives, those related by adoption or marriage, or members of the same clan or lineage.

The incest taboo is and has been one of the most widespread of all cultural taboos, both in present and in many past societies. Most modern societies have laws regarding incest or social restrictions on closely consanguineous marriages. In societies where it is illegal, consensual adult incest is seen by some as a victimless crime.

In some societies, such as those of Ancient Egypt and others, brother–sister, father–daughter, and mother–son, cousin-cousin, aunt-nephew, uncle-niece, and other permutations of relations were practiced among royalty as a means of perpetuating the royal lineage. Some writers have described the marriage and relationship of Cain (the son of Adam and Eve) with his sister as incestuous. Some societies, such as the Balinese and some Inuit tribes have different views about what constitutes illegal and immoral incest. However, parent-child and sibling-sibling unions are almost universally forbidden.

The justification often given for the incest taboo is the impact of inbreeding on the children of incestuous sex. Children whose biological parents have a close genetic relationship have a greatly increased risk of congenital disorders, death and disability at least in part due to genetic diseases caused by the inbreeding. Unintended sexual relations between genetically related persons may also arise when either or both biological parents are unknown or uncertain, as in the case of children born as a result of casual or extramarital sexual relations, anonymous sperm donation, surrogacy or adoption. On the other hand, most prohibitions on incest extend the categories of prohibited relationships to affinity relationships such as in-law relations, step relations, relations through adoption, among others.


Terminology
The English word incest is derived from the Latin incestus, which has a general meaning of "impure, unchaste". It was introduced into Middle English, both in the generic Latin sense (preserved throughout the Middle English period) and in the narrow modern sense. The derived adjective incestuous appears in the 16th century. Prior to the introduction of the Latin term, incest was known in Old English as sibbleger (from sibb 'kinship' + leger 'to lie') or mǣġhǣmed (from mǣġ 'kin, parent' + hǣmed 'sexual intercourse') but in time, both words fell out of use.


Prevalence and statistics
Incest between an adult and a person under the age of consent is considered a form of child sexual abuse[38][39] that has been shown to be one of the most extreme forms of childhood abuse, often resulting in serious and long-term psychological trauma, especially in the case of parental incest. Prevalence is difficult to generalize, but research has estimated 10–15% of the general population as having at least one such sexual contact, with less than 2% involving intercourse or attempted intercourse. Among women, research has yielded estimates as high as 20%.

Father-daughter incest was for many years the most commonly reported and studied form of incest. More recently, studies have suggested that sibling incest, particularly older brothers having sexual relations with younger siblings, is the most common form of incest, with some studies finding sibling incest occurring more frequently than other forms of incest. Some studies suggest that adolescent perpetrators of sibling abuse choose younger victims, abuse victims over a lengthier period, use violence more frequently and severely than adult perpetrators, and that sibling abuse has a higher rate of penetrative acts than father or stepfather incest, with father and older brother incest resulting in greater reported distress than stepfather incest.


Inbreeding
Incest that results in offspring is a form of close inbreeding (reproduction between two individuals with a common ancestor). Inbreeding leads to a higher probability of congenital birth defects because it increases that proportion of zygotes that are homozygous, in particular for deleterious recessive alleles that produce such disorders. Because most such alleles are rare in populations, it is unlikely that two unrelated marriage partners will both be heterozygous carriers. However, because close relatives share a large fraction of their alleles, the probability that any such rare deleterious allele present in the common ancestor will be inherited from both related parents is increased dramatically with respect to non-inbred couples. Contrary to common belief, inbreeding does not in itself alter allele frequencies, but rather increases the relative proportion of homozygotes to heterozygotes. However, because the increased proportion of deleterious homozygotes exposes the allele to natural selection, in the long run its frequency decreases more rapidly in inbred population. In the short term, incestuous reproduction is expected to produce increases in spontaneous abortions of zygotes, perinatal deaths, and postnatal offspring with birth defects.

There may also be other deleterious effects besides those caused by recessive diseases. Thus, similar immune systems may be more vulnerable to infectious diseases (see Major histocompatibility complex and sexual selection).

A 1994 study found a mean excess mortality with inbreeding among first cousins of 4.4%. Children of parent-child or sibling-sibling unions are at increased risk compared to cousin-cousin unions. Studies suggest that 20-36% of these children will die or have major disability due to the inbreeding. A study of 29 offspring resulting from brother-sister or father-daughter incest found that 20 had congenital abnormalities, including four directly attributable to autosomal recessive alleles.
   

Animals
Many mammal species including humanity's closest primate relatives tend to avoid close inbreeding, especially if there are alternative partners available. However some chimpanzees have been recorded attempting to mate with their mothers. Male rats have been recorded engaging in mating with their sisters, but they tend to prefer non-related females over their sisters.

Livestock breeders often practice controlled breeding to eliminate undesirable characteristics within a population, which is also coupled with culling of what is considered unfit offspring, especially when trying to establish a new and desirable trait in the stock.


Laws
Laws regarding sexual intercourse between close relatives vary considerably between jurisdictions, and depend on the type of sexual activity and the nature of the family relationship of the parties involved, as well as the age and sex of the parties. Prohibition of incest laws may extend to restrictions on marriage rights, which also vary between jurisdictions. Most jurisdictions prohibit parent-child and sibling marriages, while other also prohibit first-cousin and uncle-niece and aunty-nephew marriages.

In most places, incest is illegal, regardless of the ages of the two partners. In other countries, incestuous relationships between consenting adults (with the age varying by location) are permitted, including in the Netherlands, France and Spain. In Sweden the only type of incestuous relationship allowed by law is that between half-siblings and they must seek government counseling before marriage.



Source: Wikipedia

[Exomag]

Obsessive–compulsive disorder

Obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD) is an anxiety disorder characterized by intrusive thoughts that produce uneasiness, apprehension, fear, or worry; by repetitive behaviors aimed at reducing the associated anxiety; or by a combination of such obsessions and compulsions. Symptoms of the disorder include excessive washing or cleaning; repeated checking; extreme hoarding; preoccupation with sexual, violent or religious thoughts; relationship-related obsessions; aversion to particular numbers; and nervous rituals, such as opening and closing a door a certain number of times before entering or leaving a room. These symptoms can be alienating and time-consuming, and often cause severe emotional and financial distress. The acts of those who have OCD may appear paranoid and potentially psychotic. However, OCD sufferers generally recognize their obsessions and compulsions as irrational, and may become further distressed by this realization.

Obsessive–compulsive disorder affects children and adolescents, as well as adults. Roughly one third to one half of adults with OCD report a childhood onset of the disorder, suggesting the continuum of anxiety disorders across the life span.

The phrase obsessive–compulsive has become part of the English lexicon, and is often used in an informal or caricatured manner to describe someone who is excessively meticulous, perfectionistic, absorbed, or otherwise fixated. Although these signs are present in OCD, a person who exhibits them does not necessarily have OCD, but may instead have obsessive–compulsive personality disorder (OCPD), an autism spectrum disorder, disorders where perseveration is a possible feature (ADHD, PTSD, bodily disorders or habit problems), or no clinical condition.

Despite the irrational behaviour, OCD is sometimes associated with above-average intelligence. Its sufferers commonly share personality traits such as high attention to detail, avoidance of risk, careful planning, exaggerated sense of responsibility and a tendency to take time in making decisions. Multiple psychological and biological factors may be involved in causing obsessive–compulsive syndromes. Standardized rating scales such as Yale–Brown Obsessive Compulsive Scale can be used to assess the severity of OCD symptoms.


Signs and symptoms
Obsessions
Obsessions are thoughts that recur and persist despite efforts to ignore or confront them. People with OCD frequently perform tasks, or compulsions, to seek relief from obsession-related anxiety. Within and among individuals, the initial obsessions, or intrusive thoughts, vary in their clarity and vividness. A relatively vague obsession could involve a general sense of disarray or tension accompanied by a belief that life cannot proceed as normal while the imbalance remains. A more intense obsession could be a preoccupation with the thought or image of someone close to them dying or intrusions related to "relationship rightness." Other obsessions concern the possibility that someone or something other than oneself—such as God, the Devil, or disease—will harm either the person with OCD or the people or things that the person cares about. Other individuals with OCD may experience the sensation of invisible protrusions emanating from their bodies, or have the feeling that inanimate objects are ensouled.

Some people with OCD experience sexual obsessions that may involve intrusive thoughts or images of "kissing, touching, fondling, oral sex, anal sex, intercourse, incest and rape" with "strangers, acquaintances, parents, children, family members, friends, coworkers, animals and religious figures", and can include "heterosexual or homosexual content" with persons of any age. As with other intrusive, unpleasant thoughts or images, most "normal" people have some disquieting sexual thoughts at times, but people with OCD may attach extraordinary significance to the thoughts. For example, obsessive fears about sexual orientation can appear to the person with OCD, and even to those around them, as a crisis of sexual identity. Furthermore, the doubt that accompanies OCD leads to uncertainty regarding whether one might act on the troubling thoughts, resulting in self-criticism or self-loathing.

People with OCD understand that their notions do not correspond with reality; however, they feel that they must act as though their notions are correct. For example, an individual who engages in compulsive hoarding might be inclined to treat inorganic matter as if it had the sentience or rights of living organisms, while accepting that such behavior is irrational on a more intellectual level. In severe OCD, obsessions can shift into delusions when resistance to the obsession is abandoned and insight into its senselessness is lost.

Purely obsessional
OCD sometimes manifests without overt compulsions. Nicknamed "Pure-O", or referred to as Primarily Obsessional OCD, OCD without overt compulsions could, by one estimate, characterize as many as 50 percent to 60 percent of OCD cases. Primarily obsessional OCD has been called "one of the most distressing and challenging forms of OCD." People with this form of OCD have "distressing and unwanted thoughts pop into [their] head frequently", and the thoughts "typically center on a fear that you may do something totally uncharacteristic of yourself, something ...potentially fatal...to yourself or others." The thoughts "quite likely, are of an aggressive or sexual nature."

Rather than engaging in observable compulsions, the person with this subtype might perform more covert, mental rituals, or might feel driven to avoid the situations in which particular thoughts seem likely to intrude. As a result of this avoidance, people can struggle to fulfill both public and private roles, even if they place great value on these roles and even if they had fulfilled the roles successfully in the past. Moreover, the individual's avoidance can confuse others who do not know its origin or intended purpose, as it did in the case of a man whose wife began to wonder why he would not hold their infant child. The covert mental rituals can take up a great deal of a person's time during the day.

Compulsions
Some people with OCD perform compulsive rituals because they inexplicably feel they have to, others act compulsively so as to mitigate the anxiety that stems from particular obsessive thoughts. The person might feel that these actions somehow either will prevent a dreaded event from occurring, or will push the event from their thoughts. In any case, the individual's reasoning is so idiosyncratic or distorted that it results in significant distress for the individual with OCD or for those around them. Excessive skin picking (i.e., dermatillomania) or hair plucking (i.e., trichotillomania) and nail biting (i.e., onychophagia) are all on the Obsessive-Compulsive Spectrum. Individuals with OCD are aware that their thoughts and behavior are not rational, but they feel bound to comply with them to fend off feelings of panic or dread.

Some common compulsions include counting specific things (such as footsteps) or in specific ways (for instance, by intervals of two), and doing other repetitive actions, often with atypical sensitivity to numbers or patterns. People might repeatedly wash their hands or clear their throats, make sure certain items are in a straight line, repeatedly check that their parked cars have been locked before leaving them, constantly organize in a certain way, turn lights on and off, keep doors closed at all times, touch objects a certain number of times before exiting a room, walk in a certain routine way like only stepping on a certain color of tile, or have a routine for using stairs, such as always finishing a flight on the same foot.

The compulsions of OCD must be distinguished from tics; movements of other movement disorders such as chorea, dystonia, myoclonus; movements exhibited in stereotypic movement disorder or some people with autism; and the movements of seizure activity. There may exist a notable rate of comorbidity between OCD and tic-related disorders.

People rely on compulsions as an escape from their obsessive thoughts; however, they are aware that the relief is only temporary, that the intrusive thoughts will soon return. Some people use compulsions to avoid situations that may trigger their obsessions. Although some people do certain things over and over again, they do not necessarily perform these actions compulsively. For example, bedtime routines, learning a new skill, and religious practices are not compulsions. Whether or not behaviors are compulsions or mere habit depends on the context in which the behaviors are performed. For example, arranging and ordering DVDs for eight hours a day would be expected of one who works in a video store, but would seem abnormal in other situations. In other words, habits tend to bring efficiency to one's life, while compulsions tend to disrupt it.

In addition to the anxiety and fear that typically accompanies OCD, sufferers may spend hours performing such compulsions every day. In such situations, it can be hard for the person to fulfill their work, family, or social roles. In some cases, these behaviors can also cause adverse physical symptoms. For example, people who obsessively wash their hands with antibacterial soap and hot water can make their skin red and raw with dermatitis.

People with OCD can use rationalizations to explain their behavior; however, these rationalizations do not apply to the overall behavior but to each instance individually. For example, a person compulsively checking the front door may argue that the time taken and stress caused by one more check of the front door is much less than the time and stress associated with being robbed, and thus checking is the better option. In practice, after that check, the person is still not sure and deems it is still better to perform one more check, and this reasoning can continue as long as necessary.

Overvalued ideas
Some OCD sufferers exhibit what is known as overvalued ideas. In such cases, the person with OCD will truly be uncertain whether the fears that cause them to perform their compulsions are irrational or not. After some discussion, it is possible to convince the individual that their fears may be unfounded. It may be more difficult to do ERP therapy on such patients because they may be unwilling to cooperate, at least initially. For this reason OCD has often been likened to a disease of pathological doubt, in which the sufferer, though not usually delusional, is often unable to realize fully which dreaded events are reasonably possible and which are not. There are severe cases in which the sufferer has an unshakeable belief in the context of OCD that is difficult to differentiate from psychosis.

Cognitive performance
It has been proposed that sufferers are generally of above-average intelligence, as the nature of the disorder necessitates complicated thinking patterns. OCD is associated with higher IQ.

A 2009 study that conducted "a battery of neuropsychological tasks to assess nine cognitive domains with a special focus on executive functions concluded that 'few neuropsychological differences emerged between the OCD and healthy participants when concomitant factors were controlled.'"


Diagnosis
Formal diagnosis may be performed by a psychologist, psychiatrist, clinical social worker, or other licensed mental health professional. To be diagnosed with OCD, a person must have obsessions, compulsions, or both, according to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). The Quick Reference to the 2000 edition of the DSM states that several features characterize clinically significant obsessions and compulsions. Such obsessions, the DSM says, are recurrent and persistent thoughts, impulses, or images that are experienced as intrusive and that cause marked anxiety or distress. These thoughts, impulses, or images are of a degree or type that lies outside the normal range of worries about conventional problems. A person may attempt to ignore or suppress such obsessions, or to neutralize them with some other thought or action, and will tend to recognize the obsessions as idiosyncratic or irrational.

Compulsions become clinically significant when a person feels driven to perform them in response to an obsession, or according to rules that must be applied rigidly, and when the person consequently feels or causes significant distress. Therefore, while many people who do not suffer from OCD may perform actions often associated with OCD (such as ordering items in a pantry by height), the distinction with clinically significant OCD lies in the fact that the person who suffers from OCD must perform these actions, otherwise they will experience significant psychological distress. These behaviors or mental acts are aimed at preventing or reducing distress or preventing some dreaded event or situation; however, these activities are not logically or practically connected to the issue, or they are excessive. In addition, at some point during the course of the disorder, the individual must realize that their obsessions or compulsions are unreasonable or excessive.

Moreover, the obsessions or compulsions must be time-consuming (taking up more than one hour per day) or cause impairment in social, occupational, or scholastic functioning. It is helpful to quantify the severity of symptoms and impairment before and during treatment for OCD. In addition to the patient’s estimate of the time spent each day harboring obsessive-compulsive thoughts or behaviors, Fenske and Schwenk in their article "Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder: Diagnosis and Management," argue that more concrete tools should be used to gauge the patient’s condition (2009). This may be done with rating scales, such as the most trusted Yale–Brown Obsessive Compulsive Scale (Y-BOCS). With measurements like these, psychiatric consultation can be more appropriately determined because it has been standardized.


Prognosis
Psychological interventions such as behavioral and cognitive-behavioral therapy as well as pharmacological treatment can lead to substantial reduction of OCD symptoms for the average patient. However, OCD symptoms persist at moderate levels even following adequate treatment course and a completely symptom-free period is uncommon.


History
From the 14th to the 16th century in Europe, it was believed that people who experienced blasphemous, sexual, or other obsessive thoughts were possessed by the Devil. Based on this reasoning, treatment involved banishing the "evil" from the "possessed" person through exorcism. In the early 1910s, Sigmund Freud attributed obsessive–compulsive behavior to unconscious conflicts that manifest as symptoms. Freud describes the clinical history of a typical case of "touching phobia" as starting in early childhood, when the person has a strong desire to touch an item. In response, the person develops an "external prohibition" against this type of touching. However, this "prohibition does not succeed in abolishing" the desire to touch; all it can do is repress the desire and "force it into the unconscious".


Society and culture

• British poet, essayist, and lexicographer Samuel Johnson is an example of a historical figure with a retrospective diagnosis of OCD. He had elaborate rituals for crossing the thresholds of doorways, and repeatedly walked up and down staircases counting the steps.
• American aviator and filmmaker Howard Hughes is known to have suffered from OCD. Friends of Hughes have mentioned his obsession with minor flaws in clothing and he is reported to have had a great fear of germs, common among OCD patients.
• English footballer David Beckham has been outspoken regarding his struggle with OCD. He has told media that he has to count all of his clothes, and his magazines have to lie in a straight line. He has expressed a desire to get help for his problems.
• Canadian comedian, actor, television host, and voice actor Howie Mandel, best known for hosting the game show Deal or No Deal, has written an autobiography, Here's the Deal: Don't Touch Me which includes descriptions of how OCD and mysophobia (fear of germs) affect his life.[98] Larry King has called it an "important book".
• American game show host Marc Summers has written a book about how OCD has affected his life. The book is titled Everything in Its Place: My Trials and Triumphs with Obsessive Compulsive Disorder.
• Movies and television often portray idealized representations of disorders such as OCD. These depictions may lead to increased public awareness, understanding, and sympathy for such disorders.
• Actor and musician Billy Bob Thornton states that "I have a little bit of OCD." "The simple ones I can explain to you. The more complex ones, I don't even know how to tell anybody."
• Actress Jessica Alba "has also acknowledged suffering from obsessive-compulsive disorder during childhood."
• Donald Trump, an American business executive, entrepreneur, television and radio personality and author states that "he has borderline obsessive compulsive disorder and is terrified of germs."
• Cameron Diaz, an American actress, states that she "suffers from obsessive-compulsive disorder, and has publicly admitted she habitually rubs doorknobs so hard before opening doors to clean them that the original paint on the doorknobs fades afterwards."
• Leonardo DiCaprio, an American actor, "has revealed he suffers from Obsessive Compulsive Disorder."
• Kathie Lee Gifford, an American television host, singer, actress and playwright, has OCD.

Source: Wikipedia

[Karaμazoβ]

Jamaican Patois, known locally as Patois (Patwa or Patwah) or Jamaican, and called Jamaican Creole by linguists, is an English-lexified creole language with West African influences spoken primarily in Jamaica and the Jamaican diaspora. It is not to be confused with Jamaican English nor with the Rastafarian use of English. The language developed in the 17th century, when slaves from West and Central Africa were exposed to, learned and nativized the vernacular and dialectal forms of English spoken by their masters: British English, Scots and Hiberno-English.

[...]

Grammar

The tense/aspect system of Jamaican Patois is fundamentally unlike that of English. There are no morphological marked past tense forms corresponding to English -ed -t. There are two preverbial particles: en and a. These are not verbs, they are simply invariant particles that cannot stand alone like the English to be. Their function also differs from the English.

[...]

   en is a tense indicator
    a is an aspect marker
    (a) go is used to indicate the future

    /mi ɹon/
        I run (habitually); I ran

    /mi a ɹon/ or /mi de ɹon/
        I am running

    /a ɹon mi dida ɹon/ or /a ɹon mi ben(w)en a ɹon/
        I was running

    /mi did ɹon/ or /mi ben(w)en ɹon/
        I have run; I had run

    /mi a ɡo ɹon/
        I am going to run; I will run

Like other Caribbean Creoles (that is, Guyanese Creole and San Andrés-Providencia Creole; Sranan Tongo is excluded) /fi/ has a number of functions, including:

    Directional, dative, or benefactive preposition
        /dem a fait fi wi/ ('They are fighting for us')

    Genitive preposition (that is, marker of possession)
        /dat a fi mi buk/ ('that's my book')

    Modal auxiliary expressing obligation or futurity
        /im fi kom op ja/ ('he ought to come up here')

    Pre-infinitive complementizer
        /unu hafi kiip samtiŋ faɹ de ɡini piipl-dem fi biit dem miuzik/ ('you have to contribute something to the Guinean People for playing their music')


Example phrases

    Three men swam.
        /tɹi man did a suim/

    I nearly hit him
        /a didn mek dʒuok fi lik im/

    He can't beat me, he simply got lucky and won.
        /im kiaan biit mi, a dʒos bokop im bokop an win/

    Those children are disobedient
        /dem pikni de aad iez/

    /siin/ - Affirmative particle

    /papiˈʃuo/ - Foolish exhibition, a person who makes a foolish exhibition of themself, or an exclamation of surprise.

    /uman/ woman

    /buai/ boy

    /gial/ Girl





<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fp0jfKlfhFY" target="_blank">http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fp0jfKlfhFY</a>


<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_GZlJGERbvE" target="_blank">http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_GZlJGERbvE</a>


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jamaican_patois

[Karaμazoβ]

credits to Dr. Nikolaos V. Kantartzis, το ψαχνα καιρό:










Omnia Mea Mecum Porto

There has been some discussion on the blog of my friend Bill Vallicella, the Maverick Philosopher, about the origin of the Latin motto "omnia mea mecum porto," which means literally "all my things I carry with me" or "all my possessions I carry with me". Without a trip to the library, the following is the best I can do to throw some light on the sources.

In his Epistulae Morales 9.18-19, Seneca tells this story about the Greek philosopher Stilpon (c. 380-300 B.C.):

    For when his homeland was captured, his children lost, his wife lost, and he was walking away from the public conflagration by himself and yet unconcerned, Demetrius (whose nickname was Poliorcetes, after his destruction of cities) asked him if he had lost anything. He said, "All my goods are with me." Behold a strong and stalwart man! He was victorious over the victory of his enemy. "I have lost nothing," he said: he made Demetrius doubt whether he had actually conquered. "All of my goods are with me": justice, virtue, prudence, the very fact that he considered nothing good that could be snatched away.

    Hic enim capta patria, amissis liberis, amissa uxore, cum ex incendio publico solus et tamen beatus exiret, interroganti Demetrio, cui cognomen ab exitio urbium Poliorcetes fuit, num quid perdidisset, 'omnia' inquit 'bona mea mecum sunt'. Ecce vir fortis ac strenuus! ipsam hostis sui victoriam vicit. 'Nihil' inquit 'perdidi': dubitare illum coegit an vicisset. 'Omnia mea mecum sunt': iustitia, virtus, prudentia, hoc ipsum, nihil bonum putare quod eripi possit.

Cicero, in his Paradoxa Stoicorum 1.1.8, tells a very similar story about Bias, one of the "seven sages" of ancient Greece:

    I shall also often praise that famous sage, Bias I think, who is included among the seven. When the enemy had captured his homeland and others were fleeing in such a way as to carry many of their possessions with them, and he was told by someone to do likewise, he said, "I am indeed doing it; for I am carrying all my things with me."

    nec non saepe laudabo sapientem illum, Biantem, ut opinor, qui numeratur in septem; cuius quom patriam Prienam cepisset hostis ceterique ita fugerent, ut multa de suis rebus asportarent, cum esset admonitus a quodam, ut idem ipse faceret, 'Ego vero', inquit, 'facio; nam omnia mecum porto mea.'

Paul MacKendrick, The Philosophical Books of Cicero (London: Duckworth, 1989), pp. 92-93, mentions possible sources for the Paradoxa Stoicorum, but does not discuss this particular anecdote.

Valerius Maximus 7.2.ext.3 seems to follow and elaborate on Cicero:

    When enemies had invaded his homeland Priene and all (at least those whom the savagery of war had permitted to get away safe) were fleeing loaded with the weight of their precious possessions, Bias was asked why he was carrying none of his goods with him. He said, "Indeed, all my goods I carry with me," for he was carrying them in his heart, not on his shoulders, things not to be seen by the eyes but to be valued by the spirit.

    Bias autem, cum patriam eius Prienen hostes invasissent, omnibus, quos modo saevitia belli incolumes abire passa fuerat, pretiosarum rerum pondere onustis fugientibus interrogatus quid ita nihil ex bonis suis secum ferret 'ego vero' inquit 'bona <omnia> mea mecum porto': pectore enim illa gestabat, non humeris, nec oculis visenda, sed aestimanda animo.

The angle brackets around "omnia" indicate an editorial supplement, but I don't have a critical edition of Valerius Maximus handy, so I can't tell who made the supplement.


http://laudatortemporisacti.blogspot.gr/2004/05/omnia-mea-mecum-porto.html

[Exomag]

Obsessive–compulsive disorder

Red Bull is an energy drink sold by Austrian company Red Bull GmbH, created in 1987. In terms of market share, Red Bull is the most popular energy drink in the world, with 4.6 billion cans sold in 2011.

Austrian entrepreneur Dietrich Mateschitz was inspired by a pre-existing energy drink named Krating Daeng (Thai: กระทิงแดง, Thai pronunciation: [kràtʰiŋ dɛːŋ]), which was first invented and sold in Thailand. He took this idea, modified the ingredients to suit the tastes of westerners, and, in partnership with Chaleo Yoovidhya, founded Red Bull GmbH in Austria. In Thai, daeng means red, and krating is the reddish-brown bovine called a "gaur", which is an animal slightly larger than the bison. Red Bull is sold in a tall and slim blue-silver can; in Thailand and in some parts of Asia it is sold in a wider gold can with the name of Krating Daeng or Red Bull Classic. The two are different products, produced separately.

The company slogan is "Red Bull gives you wings" and the product is marketed through advertising, events (Red Bull Air Race, Red Bull Crashed Ice), sports team ownerships (RB Leipzig, FC Red Bull Salzburg, Red Bull Brasil, Red Bull New York, Red Bull Racing, Scuderia Toro Rosso), celebrity endorsements, and music, through its record label Red Bull Records.

Red Bull has been the target of criticism concerning the possible health risks associated with the drink. A study by the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) concluded that in the levels used in popular energy drinks, like Red Bull, taurine and glucuronolactone are safe.


History
Chaleo Yoovidhya, the self-made Thai billionaire founded T.C. Pharmaceuticals. In 1976, it was first introduced in Thailand under brand called Krating Daeng, or Red Bull in English. It was popular among Thai truck drivers and laborers.

Chaleo then co-founded a company in 1984 with an Austrian partner who helped turn Red Bull into a global brand. The creation of Red Bull was inspired by the tonic drinks category of Japan and a drink in Thailand called Krating Daeng. Dietrich Mateschitz, an Austrian entrepreneur, developed the Red Bull Energy Drink brand. Mateschitz was the international marketing director for Blendax, a toothpaste company, when he visited Thailand in 1982 and discovered that Krating Daeng helped to cure his jet lag. Between 1984 and 1987, Mateschitz worked with TCBG Pharmaceutical (a Blendax licensee) to adapt a flavor and marketing strategy for the European market.

At the same time Mateschitz and Chaleo Yoovidhya founded Red Bull GmbH; each investing $500,000 of savings and taking a stake in the new company. Chaleo and Dietrich each held a 49% share of the new company. They gave the remaining 2% to Chaleo's son Chalerm, but it was agreed that Mateschitz would run the company. The product was launched in 1987 in Austria, in a carbonated format.

In 1992, the product expanded to international markets: Hungary and Slovenia. It entered the United States via California in 1997 and the Middle East in 2000. In 2008, Forbes magazine listed both Chaleo and Mateschitz as the 250th richest people in the world with an estimated net worth of $4 billion.


Ingredients
Red Bull contains caffeine, taurine, glucuronolactone, B-group vitamins, sucrose, and glucose. Red Bull Sugarfree is like Red Bull Energy Drink, but without sugar. The sugars sucrose and glucose have been replaced by the sweeteners acesulfame K and aspartame/sucralose.

Red Bull is sold in China in two versions: a regular-strength version in a short, wide, gold-and-red can; and an "extra-strength" version in a taller, thinner, blue-and-silver can more like the cans sold in western countries. Neither version is carbonated.


Health effects
Typical ingredients like caffeine, taurine and glucuronolactone have been assessed by health authorities for their safety. Health Canada conducted a review of the scientific literature on caffeine concluding that the general population of healthy adults is not at risk for potential adverse effects from caffeine if they limit their consumption to 400 mg per day.

Taurine and glucuronolactone are normal body constituents and also naturally present in the human diet (e.g. scallops, fish, poultry and grain respectively). The European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) in its January 2009 opinion on the safety of energy drink ingredients concluded that the exposure to taurine and glucuronolactone at the levels presently used in energy drinks is not of safety concern.

A review published in 2008 found no documented reports of negative or positive health effects associated with the amount of taurine used in energy drinks, including Red Bull. Caffeine and sugar levels in Red Bull are comparable to coffee and fruit juices, respectively. Another publication found that "the number of available publications that really go into the details in this topic is also rather poor".

Caffeine
The caffeine of a single can of Red Bull is 80 mg/250 ml (32 mg/100 ml). This is about the same as a normal coffee, or slightly less depending on the brewing method. The actual caffeine level in Red Bull can vary depending on country, as some countries have legal restrictions on how much caffeine is allowed in drinks. As is the case with other caffeinated beverages, Red Bull drinkers may experience adverse effects as a result of overuse caffeine intoxication.

Energy drinks are not sports drinks and have not been formulated to deliver re-hydration. Water should be consumed in addition to energy drinks during exercise.

A 2008 position statement issued by the National Federation of State High School Associations made the following recommendations about general energy drink consumption for young athletes:[citation needed]

• Water and appropriate sports drinks should be used for rehydration as outlined in the NFHS Document “Position Statement and Recommendations for Hydration to Minimize the Risk for Dehydration and Heat Illness”.
• Energy drinks should not be used for hydration.
• Information about the absence of benefit and the presence of potential risk associated with energy drinks should be widely shared among all individuals who interact with young athletes.
• Energy drinks should not be consumed, without prior medical approval, by athletes taking over the counter or prescription medications.

Cardiovascular effects
A review of the scientific literature on caffeine concluded that moderate caffeine intake (less than 400 mg per day) does not adversely affect cardiovascular health.[24] A can of Red Bull, 250ml, contains 80 mg of caffeine which is less than a cup of coffee.

There has been at least one case report of Red Bull overdose causing postural orthostatic tachycardia syndrome in a young athlete. A February 3, 2009 article in The Daily Telegraph called, "Red Bull 'may have triggered heart condition that killed student' " reported the death of a 21-year-old woman who died after drinking four cans of Red Bull as well as alcohol at "social levels". It was believed, but had not been proven, that she suffered from a rare heart condition called long QT Syndrome. She was on medication for epilepsy and had an abnormally large heart. A medical examination found that there were no illegal drugs in her system. The article quoted a doctor as saying, "The coroner recorded that the 21-year-old woman died of natural causes."

Impact on driving
Joris Verster and colleagues from Utrecht University concluded that Red Bull Energy Drink reduces driver sleepiness and enhances driving performance during prolonged highway driving.


Legal status
Red Bull did not get market approval in France, Denmark, and Norway for several years, but the energy drink is now on sale in all 27 member states of the European Union and in 164 countries around the world.

The French approval process started with concerns about taurine, a normal body constituent and also naturally present in the human diet (e.g., scallops, fish, poultry). This meant the drink could not be sold as-is in France. Instead, a different recipe that did not contain the ingredient was introduced. The refusal of market approval was challenged by the European Commission and partially upheld by the European Court of Justice in 2004, before the French food safety agency relented in 2008 after being unable to prove definitively the existence of any health risk, taurine-related or not.

In Kuwait, after the death of 2 under-16 persons who competed on who can drink more Red Bull, 2 main supermarkets removed Red bull from shelves and Ministry of Commerce banned Red Bull on persons under 16.



Source: Wikipedia

[Eru lluvatar]

[Karaμazoβ]

[Exomag]

Gustave Doré

Paul Gustave Doré (French: [pɔl ɡystav dɔʁe]; January 6, 1832 – January 23, 1883) was a French artist, engraver, illustrator and sculptor. Doré worked primarily with wood engraving.

Biography
Doré was born in Strasbourg and his first illustrated story was published at the age of fifteen. His talent was evident even earlier, however. At age five he had been a prodigy troublemaker, playing pranks that were mature beyond his years. Seven years later, he began carving in cement. Subsequently, as a young man, he began work as a literary illustrator in Paris, winning commissions to depict scenes from books by Rabelais, Balzac, Milton and Dante.

In 1853, Doré was asked to illustrate the works of Lord Byron. This commission was followed by additional work for British publishers, including a new illustrated English Bible. In 1856 he produced twelve folio-size illustrations of The Legend of The Wandering Jew for a short poem which Pierre-Jean de Ranger had derived from a novel of Eugène Sue of 1845.

In the 1860s he illustrated a French edition of Cervantes's Don Quixote, and his depictions of the knight and his squire, Sancho Panza, have become so famous that they have influenced subsequent readers, artists, and stage and film directors' ideas of the physical "look" of the two characters. Doré also illustrated an oversized edition of Edgar Allan Poe's "The Raven", an endeavor that earned him 30,000 francs from publisher Harper & Brothers in 1883.

Doré's illustrations for the English Bible (1866) were a great success, and in 1867 Doré had a major exhibition of his work in London. This exhibition led to the foundation of the Doré Gallery in Bond Street, London. In 1869, Blanchard Jerrold, the son of Douglas William Jerrold, suggested that they work together to produce a comprehensive portrait of London. Jerrold had obtained the idea from The Microcosm of London produced by Rudolph Ackermann, William Pyne, and Thomas Rowlandson in 1808. Doré signed a five-year contract with the publishers Grant & Co that involved his staying in London for three months a year, and he received the vast sum of £10,000 a year for the project. Doré was mainly celebrated for his paintings in his day. His paintings remain world renowned, but his woodcuts and engravings, like those he did for Jerrold, are where he really excelled as an artist with an individual vision.

The completed book, London: A Pilgrimage, with 180 engravings, was published in 1872. It enjoyed commercial and socioeconomical success, but the work was disliked by many contemporary critics. Some of these critics were concerned with the fact that Doré appeared to focus on the poverty that existed in parts of London. Doré was accused by the Art Journal of "inventing rather than copying." The Westminster Review claimed that "Doré gives us sketches in which the commonest, the vulgarest external features are set down." The book was a financial success, however, and Doré received commissions from other British publishers.

Doré's later work included illustrations for new editions of Coleridge's Rime of the Ancient Mariner, Milton's Paradise Lost, Tennyson's The Idylls of the King, The Works of Thomas Hood, and The Divine Comedy. Doré's work also appeared in the weekly newspaper The Illustrated London News.

Doré continued to illustrate books until his death in Paris following a short illness. The city's Père Lachaise Cemetery contains his grave.



Source: Wikipedia

[Karaμazoβ]

Μια πραγματικα αχρηστη πληροφορία, μπραβο. Χαιρομαι να βλέπω τους νεους ηλεκτρολόγους να εξελισσονται ως nerds

[Jim D. Ace]

Mike the Headless Chicken

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mike_the_Headless_Chicken

 

[Exomag]

Moai

Moai, or mo‘ai, are monolithic human figures carved by the Rapa Nui people from rock on the Chilean Polynesian island of Easter Island between the years 1250 and 1500. Nearly half are still at Rano Raraku, the main moai quarry, but hundreds were transported from there and set on stone platforms called ahu around the island's perimeter. Almost all moai have overly large heads three-eighths the size of the whole statue. The moai are chiefly the living faces (aringa ora) of deified ancestors (aringa ora ata tepuna). The statues still gazed inland across their clan lands when Europeans first visited the island, but most were cast down during later conflicts between clans.

The production and transportation of the 887 statues are considered remarkable creative and physical feats. The tallest moai erected, called Paro, was almost 10 metres (33 ft) high and weighed 82 tons;[5] the heaviest erected was a shorter but squatter moai at Ahu Tongariki, weighing 86 tons; and one unfinished sculpture, if completed, would have been approximately 21 metres (69 ft) tall with a weight of about 270 tons. After civilization collapsed on Rapa Nui, the islanders themselves tore down the standing moai after their civilization broke down.

History
The statues were carved by the Polynesian colonizers of the island, mostly between circa 1250 CE and 1500 CE. In addition to representing deceased ancestors, the moai, once they were erected on ahu, may also have been regarded as the embodiment of powerful living or former chiefs and important lineage status symbols.

Completed statues were moved to ahu mostly on the coast, then erected, sometimes with red stone cylinders (pukao) on their heads. Moai must have been extremely expensive to craft and transport; not only would the actual carving of each statue require effort and resources, but the finished product was then hauled to its final location and erected.

The quarries in Rano Raraku appear to have been abandoned abruptly, with a litter of stone tools, many completed moai outside the quarry awaiting transport and almost as many incomplete statues still in situ as were installed on ahu. In the nineteenth century, this led to conjecture that the island was the remnant of a sunken continent and that most completed moai were under the sea. That idea has long been debunked, and now it is understood that:

• Some statues were rock carvings and never intended to be completed.
• Some were incomplete because, when inclusions were encountered, the carvers would abandon a partial statue and start a new one[10] (tuff is a soft rock with occasional lumps of much harder rock included in it).
• Some completed statues at Rano Raraku were placed there permanently and not parked temporarily awaiting removal.
• Some were indeed incomplete when the statue-building era came to an end.

Craftsmen
The moai were either carved by a distinguished class of professional carvers who were comparable in status to high-ranking members of other Polynesian craft guilds, or, alternatively, by members of each clan. The oral histories show that the Rano Raraku quarry was subdivided into different territories for each clan.
Transportation

Since the island was treeless by the time the Europeans first visited, the movement of the statues was a mystery for a long time; pollen analysis has now established that the island was almost totally forested until 1200 CE. The tree pollen disappeared from the record by 1650, and the statues stopped being made around that time.

It is not known exactly how the moai were moved across the island, but the process almost certainly required human energy, ropes, and possibly wooden sledges (sleds) and/or rollers, as well as leveled tracks across the island (the Easter Island roads). A recent study suggests the statues might have been harnessed with ropes from two sides and made to "walk" by tilting them from side to side while pulling forward. However, this opinion has come under debate recently.

Oral histories recount how various people used divine power to command the statues to walk. The earliest accounts say a king named Tuu Ku Ihu moved them with the help of the god Makemake, while later stories tell of a woman who lived alone on the mountain ordering them about at her will. Scholars currently support the theory that the main method was that the moai were "walked" upright (some assume by a rocking process), as laying it prone on a sledge (the method used by the Easter Islanders to move stone in the 1860s) would have required an estimated 1500 people to move the largest moai that had been successfully erected. In 1998, Jo Anne Van Tilburg suggested fewer than half that number could do it by placing the sledge on lubricated rollers. In 1999, she supervised an experiment to move a nine-ton moai. They attempted to load a replica on a sledge built in the shape of an A frame that was placed on rollers. A total of 60 people pulled on several ropes in two attempts to tow the moai. The first attempt failed when the rollers jammed up. The second attempt succeeded when they embedded tracks in the ground. This was on flat ground and used Eucalyptus wood rather than the native palm trees that would have lived on the island.

In 1986, Pavel Pavel, Thor Heyerdahl and the Kon Tiki Museum experimented with a five-ton moai and a nine-ton moai. With a rope around the head of the statue and another around the base, using eight workers for the smaller statue and 16 for the larger, they "walked" the moai forward by swiveling and rocking it from side to side; however, the experiment was ended early due to damage to the statue bases from chipping. Despite the early end to the experiment, Thor Heyerdahl estimated that this method for a 20-ton statue over Easter Island terrain would allow 320 feet (100 m) per day. Other scholars concluded that it was probably not the way the moai were moved due to the reported damage to the base caused by the "shuffling" motion.

Around the same time, archaeologist Charles Love experimented with a 10-ton replica. His first experiment found rocking the statue to walk it was too unstable over more than a few hundred yards. He then found that placing the statue upright on two sled runners atop log rollers, 25 men were able to move the statue 150 feet (46 m) in two minutes. In 2003, further research indicated this method could explain supposedly regularly spaced post holes (his research on this claim has not yet been published) where the statues were moved over rough ground. He suggested the holes contained upright posts on either side of the path so that as the statue passed between them, they were used as cantilevers for poles to help push the statue up a slope without the requirement of extra people pulling on the ropes and similarly to slow it on the downward slope. The poles could also act as a brake when needed.

Based on detailed studies of the statues found along prehistoric roads, archaeologists Terry Hunt and Carl Lipo have shown that the pattern of breakage, form and position of statues is consistent with an "upright" hypothesis for transportation. Hunt and Lipo argue that the statues found along the road have a center of mass that causes the statue to fall forward. As the statue tilts forward it rocks on its front edge and takes a "step." Archaeologically, large flakes are seen broken off of the sides of the bases. This pattern is consistent with immense forces being applied to the edges of the statue. On the landscape, road statues are found on their backs when the road is going uphill and on their front when going downhill. All of this evidence points to an upright transportation practice.

Recent experimental recreations have proven that it is fully possible that the moai were literally walked from their quarries to their final positions by ingenious use of ropes. Teams of workers would have worked to rock the moai back and forth, creating the walking motion and holding the moai upright. If correct, it can be inferred that the fallen road moai were the result of the teams of balancers being unable to keep the statue upright, and it was presumably not possible to lift the statues again once knocked over.

1722–1868 toppling of the moai
After the 1722 Roggeveen visit, all of the moai that had been erected on ahus were toppled, with the last standing statues reported in 1838 by Abel Aubert Dupetit Thouars, and no upright statues by 1868, apart from the partially buried ones on the outer slopes of Rano Raraku.

Oral histories include one account of a clan pushing down a single moai in the night but others refer to the "earth shaking" and other indications that at least some of them fell down through earthquakes. Some of the moai toppled forward such that their faces were hidden and often fell in such a way that their necks broke; others fell off of the back of their platforms. Today, about 50 moai have been re-erected on their ahus or at museums elsewhere.

Removal
Eleven or more moai have been removed from the island and transported to locations around the world, including six out of the thirteen moai that were carved from basalt.



Source: Wikipedia